Site & dates
The Collachium › east of the Palace of the Grand Master
Stands in the Collachium, the walled inner precinct reserved for the Knights and their principal institutions, immediately east of the Palace of the Grand Master, at the junction of the northern fortifications and the middle Collachium wall, adjoining the Governor’s Garden and the Pervola archaeological area. No foundation charter or inscription names this specific building as the Order’s mint (zecca); the attribution rests on an archaeological association — the discovery, apparently during Italian-period interventions, of some 4,000 early-fifteenth-century coins found within or near the structure — rather than on documentary proof. Much of the fabric now standing is a twentieth-century reconstruction; until recently the complex served as the carpentry and blacksmith workshop of the Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese, and is currently under restoration for reuse as an exhibition and multipurpose event space.
The right to strike money
c. 1305–1522 › from the first grosso to the departure for Malta
Territorial sovereignty was something the Hospitallers had not possessed since the loss of the Latin East; conquering Rhodes between 1306 and 1310 gave the Order both a state to govern and, for the first time, the standing to issue its own coinage. Whatever the precise legal authority behind it — a question this document reports candidly rather than resolving — the Order struck money at Rhodes continuously, or near-continuously, for more than two centuries, and the right to do so was still being actively contested when the Order’s seat later moved to Malta.
Two buildings, one complex
≈575 m² › a vaulted ground floor, a colonnaded hall, and a wall stair
The mint complex comprises two elongated building masses of roughly 575 m² combined. The larger, northern building (≈320 m²) is two storeys, built directly against the foundations of the city’s northern fortifications: its ground floor holds two vaulted rooms, the southern carrying intermediate supporting pillars, while its upper floor is a single hall some 7.20 m to the ceiling, divided by a central colonnade into two naves and covered by a flat wooden ceiling rather than vaulting. The smaller, single-storey southern building (≈255 m²) comprises four internally connected rooms whose original uses are not specified in the sources consulted. Both masses “have a complex construction history, with \[the complex’s\] current appearance largely due to reconstruction work during the Italian occupation” of Rhodes (1912–1943) — meaning much of the fabric now visible is twentieth-century rebuilding rather than medieval masonry standing to its original height and finish.
Eight Grand Masters, one office
1305–1534 › from de Villaret’s first grosso to del Ponte’s Maltese ducats
Almost every individual connected with the mint’s documented history is a Grand Master in whose name coinage was struck; only one subordinate office — an unnamed early-sixteenth-century “mint master” who certified moneychangers’ weights — is attested at all, and no holder of that office is named in any source consulted for this document.
Three pieces of direct evidence
1330s–1488 › a merchant’s handbook, a council record, and a coin hoard
Three independent kinds of primary evidence, each of a different character, anchor this document’s account of the mint as a working institution rather than an assumed one.
“A silver coin is spent at Rhodes that is struck at Rhodes, called gigliati” — struck, the same account specifies, to an alloy of eleven ounces three sterlings fine silver to the pound, of which “the mint of Rhodes renders only 55½ [coins] by count per mark” against a nominal count of fifty-seven.
“…quia Civitas habundat hominibus et non reperitur pecunia minuta … quod … cudere faciat quatrinos vel parvos denarios” — because the city was full of people and small change could not be found, it was resolved that the Grand Master should have quattrini and small deniers struck.
Some 4,000 coins of the early fifteenth century, found within or near this building — apparently during structural interventions carried out under the Italian administration. No source consulted for this document states where these coins are now held, how they were catalogued, or what denominations they comprised; it is this find alone, rather than any inscription or title deed, that identifies the standing building as the Order’s mint.
Speaking Coins
Heritage narrative › the mint master speaks, Rhodes, c. 1513–1521
Let me tell you what it feels like to hold the heart of a city in your hand. It weighs a little under three and a half grams, it is made of gold, and it is called a ducat.
My name is Eberhard von Lothringen. I come from Lorraine, a long way north, and I am the mint master of the Knights of Saint John on the island of Rhodes. I make money. I do not mean the way a merchant makes money, by buying cheap and selling dear. I make it the old way, with fire, hammer and a pair of iron dies, and I am proud of every single coin.
My workshop stands inside the walled Collachium, east of the Grand Master’s Palace, in a long, plain building pressed against the northern fortifications. Downstairs are vaulted rooms where the furnace glows. Upstairs is a tall hall with a row of columns down the middle, where the work is checked. It is not a beautiful building. Gold does not need a beautiful room. It needs a safe one.
Here is something that surprises visitors: I am not allowed to strike a coin whenever I feel like it. Not even I. The rules are strict, and older than me.
When a merchant brings me gold or silver, I must turn it into coin, however much he brings. But first the amount must be announced to the Castellania, the court that watches over the town. Then someone carries the proof up to the Palace, and only then are the dies, the engraved iron stamps that give a coin its picture, handed over by the Grand Master or his deputy. A trusted man of the Palace carries them to my workshop and stays there, watching every blow of the hammer. When the coins are done, Castellania weighs them before one is released. If a coin is too light, I take it back, melt it down, and make it again. I have melted whole batches for being too light, and I have never complained. A light coin tells a lie, and a lie in gold travels very far.
The Grand Master whose name is on my coins is Fabrizio del Carretto. His ducats follow the Order’s old custom, showing a Grand Master kneeling in front of Saint John, because the Order’s rulers always preferred to be pictured humble before they were pictured great. Around the edge run the Latin words of the Order, and I could recite them in my sleep.
Now I will tell you what I love most about Rhodes. It is not the walls, though they are splendid. It is the noise. On a single morning in the market I can hear Greek, Italian, Catalan, Provençal, German and Arabic, sometimes all in one street. Greek families whose grandfathers were born here live beside Latins from half of Europe. The Venetians have had their own church, trading house and law court on this island since 1224, long before the Knights arrived. The merchants of Narbonne and Montpellier have their own trading hall, granted in 1356. Catalan merchants, like Gabriele Taragona, who collects the tax on soap, pots and fire, and Marco Patao, who has a house, a shop and fields of his own, send money across the sea as easily as other men send letters.
And the bankers! The old ledgers say that by the year 1320 the Knights owed the great Florentine banks of Bardi and Peruzzi five hundred thousand florins. Five hundred thousand! The Order conquered this island partly on borrowed money. When those banks collapsed in the 1340s, the Order lost about three hundred and sixty thousand florins, and still Rhodes went on. Later the Medici bank collected the Order’s money from all over Europe for a fee of about seven in a hundred. Genoese merchants lent to us. Bills of exchange come and go through our harbour. Sometimes it seems to me that every bank in Europe has a piece of paper with the word Rhodes written on it.
In 1516 the Grand Master even signed a trade treaty with the Sultan of Egypt, so that Rhodian ships and Egyptian ships would leave one another’s merchants in peace. A mint master loves treaties, because treaties mean traders, and traders mean gold coming through my door.
But where there is gold there are cheats, and I will tell you about the afternoon I caught one. A Genoese captain came storming up from the harbour, with a money-changer hurrying behind him. The captain had put down a pile of gold, and the money-changer’s scale said it weighed less than the captain’s own reckoning. Voices rose in three languages. Everyone on the street stopped to listen.
Now, you must know that every money-changer in Rhodes must have his weights and scales checked and sealed by the mint master. That is me. It is one of my duties, and it is just as important as striking ducats. I sent for my own standard weights, the ones kept locked in the upper hall, and set them on the money-changer’s scale beside his. His weights were wrong. Somebody had filed a little off the bottom of one, so that gold would always seem lighter than it truly was, and the difference would slide quietly into his purse.
The money-changer turned the colour of old cheese. The market inspector, who checks the weights of shops and taverns every three months, arrived just in time to hear the end of it. The goldsmiths’ guild heads, two of them, one Latin and one Greek, elected every year to hunt for fraud, such as lead painted to look like gold, nodded gravely. The false weight was destroyed, a proper one was made, and I pressed the mint’s seal into it myself.
The captain shook my hand. “In Genoa,” he said, “they told me Rhodes can be trusted with money.” I walked home taller than the Palace tower. A seal from my mint on a scale is like my Grand Master’s name on a coin: it means that you may stop worrying and start trading.
Let me show you how a Rhodian counts. One florin is twenty aspers. One asper is sixteen denari, the tiny coppery ones. These are the units in which prices are written down, and every child in the market knows them.
And here is the number I am proudest of. In the days of our old Grand Master d’Aubusson, a Venetian ducat was worth about seventy-five Rhodian aspers. The Order’s own gold ducat was worth ninety. Ninety! That is the good name of Rhodes written in numbers. Merchants preferred our gold, because they knew what they were getting.
Funny thing: when the Order struck its first gold ducat, long ago under Grand Master Gozon, it copied the Venetian zecchino so closely that you had to read the writing around the edge to tell them apart. That was no shame. Merchants trust what they recognize. Our writing said: SIT TIBI CHRISTE DATVS QVEM TV REGIS ISTE DVCATVS, which means, roughly, “Christ, may this duchy which you rule be given to you.” The coin looked familiar in Venice and in Genoa. And that is how a coin learns to speak every language.
A ducat does not sit in a purse for long. If you follow one, you will find out what really holds Rhodes together.
Some of it goes to the tax collectors. Grain ground in the mills and wine sold in the town are taxed, and the tax-farmers who collect it pay a fixed sum to the Order in advance. In the summer of 1521 one account added it all up: eighteen thousand five hundred florins from the main taxes, and three thousand five hundred more from a small surcharge on wine, twenty-two thousand florins in a single year. Some goes to the customs house, where every cargo pays its duty and Muslim traders pay a slightly different one. Some goes on the walls, the galleys, the guns. Some goes to the Great Hospital, which takes roughly seven coins out of every hundred the Order spends, and pays its two university-trained doctors two hundred and fifty florins a year each.
And a great deal of gold arrives from far away. Every commandery of the Order in Christendom owes a fixed payment to Rhodes every year. The Grand Commandery of Cyprus, for example, sends two thousand Venetian ducats, due every June on the feast day of Saint John the Baptist. Ships bring prize goods too, captured from enemy vessels at sea, and I will admit that not everything sold on our quays is something to be proud of. Among the people sold in the markets of the Mediterranean were captives, and the Order’s own laws tried to keep that trade in check by demanding that every one of them be registered within three days and that no Christian be enslaved by another.
The truth, which a mint master knows better than most, is that the Order has never had quite enough money. It borrows, it taxes, it bargains, and it counts. We hold this island with galleys and walls, yes. But we also hold it with ledgers, tax contracts, bank credit and the good name of a coin.
There is only one thing that worries me. In April 1488, before I ever came to Rhodes, the council wrote down a strange sentence: “the city is full of people, and small change cannot be found.” So the council resolved that the Grand Master should have little coins struck, quattrini and small deniers. Today, in my years under the present Grand Master, my furnace makes mostly gold, and I sometimes see a woman at the baker’s with a golden ducat in her hand, and nobody able to change it. A fine ducat is wonderful for a ship’s captain. It is not much use for buying bread. I have a feeling that the council will need to write that sentence again one day.
In 1521 Grand Master del Carretto died, and the Order chose a new one: Philippe Villiers de L’Isle-Adam. New Grand Master, new dies. A trusted man of the Palace brought them to my workshop, and I set them on the anvil and looked at them for a long time. The cross on them looks different from any I have struck before: more arms, more points, more splendid. Something is changing, I thought, and I did not know what.
That autumn, the tax collectors signed their contracts for a full seven years. Everyone believed in Rhodes. Everyone believed in the next seven years. And yet, down in the harbour, I heard the sailors talking about a great Ottoman fleet, the new Sultan, and a hunger for this island. Perhaps I was only imagining it. But I struck the new ducats as carefully as ever, one after another, each as heavy as the law says and not a hair lighter.
Because this is what I believe, after all my years at the furnace. A wall can be knocked down. A harbour can be blockaded. A ship can be sunk. But a good coin is a promise, and a promise travels farther than any army. Someday, perhaps, a ducat from my workshop will lie in a museum glass case in a city I will never see, and a child will press her nose against the glass and wonder who made it, and whether he was proud. Tell her yes. Tell her he was very proud indeed.
Photo gallery
Nine views › the building’s setting, and the coinage that identifies it
Significance criteria
Nine-criteria framework › National importance, international numismatic dimension
Statement of significance
“Sit tibi Christe datus quem tu regis iste ducatus.” (Founding inscription of Dieudonné de Gozon’s gold ducat, Rhodes, c. 1350 — ‘To you, Christ, is given this ducat which you rule.’)
Rhodes was an important port of call in the Mediterranean and a transit-trade hub that western shippers used to avoid Venetian-controlled harbours. The Order struck its own coinage at Rhodes continuously, or near-continuously, from the early fourteenth century until its departure in 1522 — beginning with Foulques de Villaret’s silver grosso and Hélion de Villeneuve’s regular gigliato issues from around 1330–32, through Dieudonné de Gozon’s rare gold ducat of the mid-fourteenth century, to the fully documented fifteenth-century denominational system of gold ducats, silver aspers and copper small change reformed under Pierre d’Aubusson, Émery d’Amboise and Fabrizio del Carretto, and finally to the coinage Philippe Villiers de L’Isle-Adam struck at Rhodes during the last months of the 1522 siege. Expressed in the office of the mint master, the Mint of the Order of the Knights Hospitallers is the physical trace of the Order’s exercise of sovereign fiscal authority — a facet of the Hospitaller state’s identity far less visible in the surviving built environment than its military fortifications or its religious and charitable institutions. Its significance lies less in the survival of an architecturally distinguished building, a status this document does not claim for it, than in what it represents: the fiscal and monetary infrastructure of a small, militarised, island state that nonetheless issued its own currency for two centuries, negotiated as an equal, if suspect, power with Venice, Genoa and the Florentine banking houses, and carried its claim to sovereignty into a form — coined money bearing the Grand Master’s own image and titles — that circulated, and in places still survives, far beyond Rhodes itself.
Component monument of the Medieval City of Rhodes, designated under Greek Archaeological Law 3028/2002. The specific ministerial act(s) applying to the mint building individually were not identified among the sources consulted; its protection follows from its location within the designated Medieval City and Collachium.
Medieval City of Rhodes (ref. 493), inscribed 1988, criteria (ii), (iv) and (v). A contributing structure within the Collachium, not individually named in the Statement of Outstanding Universal Value.
References
- Bonneaud, Pierre. “The Hospitallers of Rhodes and Their Vow of Poverty in the 15th Century (1420–1480).” Imago Temporis. Medium Aevum VII (2013): 299–322.
- Hellenic Government Gazette (ΦΕΚ). Ministerial Decision 23084/737 (25 August 1948), ΦΕΚ 10 (23 September 1948); Law 3028/2002 on the Protection of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage in General.
- ICOMOS Australia. The Burra Charter: The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance. 2013.
- ICOMOS. ICOMOS Charter for the Interpretation and Presentation of Cultural Heritage Sites. Paris: ICOMOS, 2008.
- Kasdagli, Anna-Maria. “Hospitaller Small Change: An Archaeological Perspective.” In Islands and Military Orders, c.1291–c.1798, edited by E. Buttigieg and S. Phillips, 203–14. London and New York: Routledge, 2016.
- Kollias, Elias. The Medieval City of Rhodes and the Palace of the Grand Master. 3rd ed. Athens: Ministry of Culture, Archaeological Receipts Fund, 2005. Pp. 47–54.
- Luttrell, Anthony T. The Town of Rhodes: 1306–1366. Athens: Archaeological Receipts Fund, 2003. Pp. 203–229. Source for Pegolotti’s Pratica della Mercatura as transcribed and translated.
- Markowitz, Mike. “Coins of the Knights of Rhodes, 1305–1530.” Compiled numismatic auction-catalogue survey (LHS Numismatik, Leu Numismatik, Nomos AG, Numismatica Ars Classica, CNG, Jean Elsen et ses Fils, Gerhard Hirsch Nachfolger), sale dates 2006–2024.
- Mazarakis, Andreas. “The Coins of Rhodes 1476–1522.” In A Survey on the Rhodian Coins of the Order of St John, edited by A. Mazarakis, 1–11. Athens: Andromeda Books, 2010.
- Protothema (en.protothema.gr), Culture section. “Rhodes: The mint of the Order of Knights of St. John is being restored and revitalized.” News report on the Greek Ministry of Culture’s restoration of the mint building; completion targeted for the end of 2025.
- REBOOT Research Note: “The Economics of the Knights Hospitallers at Rhodes, 1310–1522” (this project’s own internal digest, synthesising Setton, Phillips, Vertot, Kasdagli and Mazarakis, together with the Soldani/Duran essay below).
- Rossi, Tyler. “The Right to Strike: Early Coins of the Knights Hospitaller.” CoinWeek, December 15, 2021.
- Soldani, Maria Elisa, and Daniel Duran i Duelt. “Religion, Warfare and Business in Fifteenth Century Rhodes.” In Religione e istituzioni religiose nell’economia europea 1000–1800, edited by Francesco Ammannati, 257–268. Firenze: Firenze University Press, 2012.
- Τσιρπανλής, Ζ. «Φόροι και Έσοδα». In Ανέκδοτα έγγραφα για τη Ρόδο και τις Νότιες Σποράδες από το αρχείο των Ιωαννιτών Ιπποτών, 1421–1453. Ρόδος, 1995, ΤΑΠΑ. Pp. 154–163.
- UNESCO World Heritage Centre. “Medieval City of Rhodes.” World Heritage List, ref. 493. Inscribed 1988.
- Zeininger de Borja, Count. “Coins of the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem.” As consulted, reprinted in a bound volume spine-labelled Journal of Mediterranean Studies, vol. 11 (2001); internal textual evidence indicates the piece was originally written c. 1953–1954. The original place and date of first publication have not been independently confirmed.